//
sign in
Profile
by @danabra.mov
Profile
by @dansshadow.bsky.social
Profile
by @jimpick.com
AviHandle
by @danabra.mov
AviHandle
by @dansshadow.bsky.social
AviHandle
by @katherine.computer
EventsList
by @katherine.computer
ProfileHeader
by @dansshadow.bsky.social
ProfileHeader
by @danabra.mov
ProfileMedia
by @danabra.mov
ProfilePlays
by @danabra.mov
ProfilePosts
by @danabra.mov
ProfilePosts
by @dansshadow.bsky.social
ProfileReplies
by @danabra.mov
Record
by @atsui.org
Skircle
by @danabra.mov
StreamPlacePlaylist
by @katherine.computer
+ new component
Profile
Loading...
Senior Research Fellow Goethe University Frankfurt | Comparative Politics | Interested in electoral behaviour, technocracy & prime ministers
Jan Berz









Loading...
New publication with @cambup-polsci.cambridge.org: In “Crises and Electoral Accountability” I ask how voters evaluate governments after different exogenous crises - and which crisis characteristics affect performance & responsibility judgments by voters. OA: doi.org/10.1017/gov.... 1/9
1d
Jan Berz
Overall, the article shows that voters draw on a broader array of crisis characteristics than existing research has captured - including opposition politicisation - to assess government crisis management. Future work should test these mechanisms with observational data. 9/9
Responsibility judgments are more constrained. Voters attribute responsibility for the crisis most clearly when blame signals are plausible: reduced prevention spending, expert warnings, and - more conditionally - elite cues around the crisis. 7/9
Existing research shows that crises shape retrospective voting, but we know far less about the specific crisis characteristics voters use to judge incumbents - especially with regard to responsibility for crisis severity. 2/9
Disaster relief matters substantially, but speed does not. Respondents rewarded larger relief efforts and visible executive involvement, while faster relief alone had little effect on performance evaluations. 6/9