On the state of democracy in Israel, in French, this time
Tamar Hostovsky Brandes
In the midst of everything going on, glad to have had the opportunity to present my work on solidarity and constitutionalism, and advocate the notion of solidarity as one that can do actual work in the constitutional field, with regards to both constitutional design and interpretation.
3. For those arguing that this has always been Israel’s position - there is a difference between a political position put forward within the context of future negotiations, and one that is used *now* as legal ground to justify unilateral actions.
Tamar Hostovsky Brandes
7.10.2023, the longest day in
History. Can’t wait for it to be over.
Stop this war, bring them back
Passing time, waiting, counting minutes. One thing I felt friends and colleagues abroad didn’t fully get was that as long as there were hostages in Gaza, October 7th was not in the past. Every single day, every single act were overshadowed by the guilt of the abandonment of our brothers and sister.
4. Not long ago, it was Israel who objected to the ICC’s jurisdiction in the situation of Palestine on the grounds, among other things, that recognition of a Palestinian state was contrary to the Oslo Accords which prohibited unilateral action and where still
in force, despite violations.
2. And if the West Bank is now treated by Israel as part of its own territory, how does it explain that Palestinian residents of it do not have equal rights, including the right to vote and freedom of movement?
Many thanks to @verfassungsblog.de for inviting me to share my thoughts on the situation in Israel verfassungsblog.de/israel-after...
1. With all eyes on Gaza, this bizarre, to say the least, statement by the Netanyahu government passed under the radar. If Israel’s position is now that the West Bank is de Jure part of Israel, what does this is imply for the legal framework of the law of occupation which Isreal itself applies?
